Historical Note: High-Speed Airfoils—Early Research and Development
Twentieth-century aerodynamics does not have the exclusive rights to the observation of the large drag rise on bodies flying at near the speed of sound; rather, in the eighteenth century the Englishman Benjamin Robins, inventor of the ballistic pendulum, reported that “the velocity at which the body shifts its resistance (from a V2 to a Vі relation) is nearly the same with which sound is propagated through air.” His statement was based on a large number of experiments during which projectiles were fired into his ballistic pendulum. However, these results had little relevance to the early aerodynamicists of this century, who were struggling to push aircraft speeds to 150 mi/h during and just after World War I. To these people, flight near the speed of sound was just fantasy.
With one exception! World War I airplanes such as the Spad and Nieuport had propeller blades where the tips were moving at near the speed of sound. By 1919, British researchers had already observed the loss in thrust and large increase in blade drag for a propeller with tip speeds up to 1180 ft/s—slightly above the speed of sound. To examine this effect further, F. W. Caldwell and E. N. Fales, both engineers at the U. S. Army’s Engineering Division at McCook Field near Dayton, Ohio (the forerunner of the massive Air Force research and development facilities at Wright – Patterson Air Force Base today), conducted a series of high-speed airfoil tests. They designed and built the first high-speed wind tunnel—a facility with a 14-in-diameter test section capable of velocities up to 675 ft/s. In 1918, they conducted the first wind-tunnel tests involving the high-speed flow over a stationary airfoil. Their results showed large decreases in lift coefficient and major increases in drag coeffiient for the thicker airfoils at angle of attack. These were the first measured “compressibility effects” on an airfoil in history. Caldwell and Fales noted that such changes occurred at a certain air velocity, which they denoted as the “critical speed”—a term that was to evolve into the critical Mach number at a later date. It is interesting to note that Orville Wright was a consultant to the Army at this time (Wilbur had died prematurely in 1912 of typhoid fever) and observed some of the Caldwell and Fales tests. However, a fundamental understanding and explanation of this critical-speed phenomenon was completely lacking. Nobody at that time had even the remotest idea of what was really happening in this high-speed flow over the airfoil.
Members of the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics were well aware of the Caldwell-Fales results. Rather than let the matter die, in 1922 the NACA contracted with the National Bureau of Standards (NBS) for a study of high-speed flows over airfoils, with an eye toward improved propeller sections. The work at NBS included the building of a high-speed wind tunnel with a 12-in-diameter test section, capable of producing a Mach number of 0.95. The aerodynamic testing was performed by Lyman J. Briggs (soon to become director of NBS) and Hugh Dryden (soon to become one of the leading aerodynamicists of the twentieth century). In addition to the usual force data, Briggs and Dryden also measured pressure distributions over the airfoil surface. These pressure distributions allowed more insight into the nature of the flow and definitely indicated flow separation on the top surface of the airfoil. We now know that such flow separation is induced by a shock wave, but these early researchers did not at that time know about the presence of such shocks.
During the same period, the only meaningful theoretical work on high-speed airfoil properties was carried out by Ludwig Prandtl in Germany and Hermann Glauert in England—work which led to the Prandtl-Glauert compressibility correction, given by Equation (11.51). As early as 1922, Prandtl is quoted as stating that the lift coefficient increased according to (1 — M^)-1^2; he mentioned this conclusion in his lectures at Gottingen, but without written proof. This result was mentioned again 6 years later by Jacob Ackeret, a colleague of Prandtl, in the famous German series Handbuch der Physik, again without proof. Subsequently, in 1928 the concept was formally established by Hermann Glauert, a British aerodynamicist working for the Royal Aircraft Establishment. (See Chapter 9 of Reference 21 for a biographical sketch of Glauert.) Using only six pages in the Proceedings of the Royal Society,
vol. 118, p. 113, Glauert presented a derivation based on linearized small-perturbation theory (similar to that described in Section 11.4) which confirmed the (1 – A/^)-1”2 variation. In this paper, entitled “The Effect of Compressibility on the Lift of an Airfoil,” Glauert derived the famous Prandtl-Glauert compressibility correction, given here as Equations (11.51) to (11.53). This result was to stand alone, unaltered, for the next 10 years.
Hence, in 1930 the state of the art of high-speed subsonic airfoil research was characterized by experimental proof of the existence of the drag-divergence phenomenon, some idea that it was caused by flow separation, but no fundamental understanding of the basic flow field. In turn, there was virtually no theoretical background outside of the Prandtl-Glauert rule. Also, keep in mind that all the above work was paced by the need to understand propeller performance, because in that day the only component of airplanes to encounter compressibility effects was the propeller tips.
All this changed in the 1930s. In 1928, the NACA had constructed its first rudimentary high-speed subsonic wind tunnel at the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory, utilizing a 1 – ft-diameter test section. With Eastman Jacobs as tunnel director and John Stack as the chief researcher, a series of tests was run on various standard airfoil shapes. Frustrated by their continual lack of understanding about the flow field, they turned to optical techniques, following in the footsteps of Ernst Mach (see Section 9.9). In 1933, they assembled a crude schlieren optical system consisting of 3-in-diameter reading- glass-quality lenses and a short-duration-spark light source. In their first test using the schlieren system, dealing with flow over a cylinder, the results were spectacular. Shock waves were seen, along with the resulting flow separation. Visitors flocked to the wind tunnel to observe the results, including Theodore Theodorsen, one of the ranking theoretical aerodynamicists of that period. An indicator of the psychology at that time is given by Theodorsen’s comment that since the freestream flow was subsonic, what appeared as shock waves must be an “optical illusion.” However, Eastman Jacobs and John Stack knew differently. They proceeded with a major series of airfoil testing, using standard NACA sections. Their schlieren pictures revealed the secrets of flow over the airfoils above the critical Mach number. (See Figure 131b and its attendant discussion of such supercritical flow.) In 1935, Jacobs traveled to Italy, where he presented results of the NACA high-speed airfoil research at the fifth Volta Conference (see Section 7.1). This is the first time in history that photographs of the transonic flow field over standard-shaped airfoils were presented in a large public forum.
During the course of such work in the 1930s, the incentive for high-speed aerodynamic research shifted from propeller applications to concern about the airframe of the airplane itself. By the mid-1930s, the possibility of the 550 mi/h airplane was more than a dream—reciprocating engines were becoming powerful enough to consider such a speed regime for propeller-driven aircraft. In turn, the entire airplane itself (wings, cowling, tail, etc.) would encounter compressibility effects. This led to the design of a large 8-ft high-speed tunnel at Langley, capable of test-section velocities above 500 mi/h. This tunnel, along with the earlier 1 – ft tunnel, established the NACA’s dominance in high-speed subsonic research in the late 1930s.
In the decade following 1930, the picture had changed completely. By 1940, the high-speed flow over airfoils was relatively well understood. During this period,
Stack and Jacobs had not only highlighted the experimental aspects of such highspeed flow, but they also derived the expression for C;)cr as a function of Mcr given by Equation (11.60), and had shown how to estimate the critical Mach number for a given airfoil as discussed in Section 11.6. Figure 11.24 shows some representative schlieren photographs taken by the NACA of the flow over standard NACA airfoils. Although
NACA 64A006 NACA 64A009 NACA 64A012 Figure 1 1.24 Schlieren pictures and pressure distributions for transonic flows over several NACA airfoils. These pictures were taken by the NACA in 1949. (Source: John V. Becker, "The High-Speed Frontier," NASA SP-445, 1980.) |
these photographs were taken in 1949, they are similar to the results obtained by Stack and Jacobs in the 1930s. Superimposed on these photographs are the measured pressure distributions over the top (solid curve) and bottom (dashed curve) surfaces of the airfoil. Study these pictures carefully. Moving from bottom to top, you can see the influence of increasing freestream Mach number, and going from left to right, you can observe the effect of increasing airfoil thickness. Note how the shock wave moves downstream as Мж is increased, finally reaching the trailing edge at = 1.0. For this case, the top row of pictures shows almost completely supersonic flow over the airfoil. Note also the large regions of separated flow downstream of the shock waves for the Mach numbers of 0.79, 0.87, and 0.94—this separated flow is the primary reason for the large increase in drag near Mach 1. By 1940, it was well understood that the almost discontinuous pressure increase across the shock wave creates a strong adverse pressure gradient on the airfoil surface, and this adverse pressure gradient is responsible for separating the flow.
The high-speed airfoil research program continues today within NASA. It led to the supercritical airfoils in the 1960s (see Sections 11.9 and 11.12). It has produced a massive effort in modem times to use computational techniques for theoretically solving the transonic flow over airfoils. Such efforts are beginning to be successful, and in many respects, today we have the capability to design transonic airfoils on the computer. However, such abilities today have roots which reach all the way back to Caldwell and Fales in 1918.
For a more detailed account of the history of high-speed airfoil research, you are encouraged to read the entertaining story portrayed by John V. Becker in The High-Speed Frontier, NASA SP-445, 1980.